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‘Solution to ending the Iranian regime’s threats is the establishment of a secular, democratic, and pluralistic republic,’ the resolution reads

Fox News     |    By Morgan Phillips   |    February 26, 2025

A bipartisan group of 151 lawmakers is rallying around a resolution to support the Iranian resistance movement ahead of a hearing with an opposition leader. The resolution, led by Rep. Tom McClintock, R-Calif., expresses support for the Iranian people and their stated desire for a “democratic, secular and non-nuclear” Iran through regime change. “The developments of the past year have left no doubt that the source of terrorism and warmongering in the Middle East region is the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran,” the resolution reads.

It calls out the Iranian regime’s oppressive practices, voices support for the opposition and calls on global leaders to continue imposing sanctions.

“The efforts of Western countries over the past 45 years to change the behavior of this regime have failed, and the ultimate solution to ending the Iranian regime’s threats is the establishment of a secular, democratic, and pluralistic republic by the Iranian people and resistance.”

President Donald Trump has been hesitant to throw U.S. efforts into regime change in Iran. “We can’t get totally involved in all that. We can’t run ourselves, let’s face it,” he told Iranian-American producer Patrick Bet-David in October.

The resolution also claimed that in the first four months of Masoud Pezeshkian’s presidency, beginning July 28, 2024, some 500 prisoners, including political prisoners and at least 17 women, were executed, and hand amputations increased.

It also expressed support for Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), a leading resistance group known as MEK to Iranians, and her 10-point plan to bring democracy, secular government and human rights to Iran. The plan, which has the support of 4,000 parliamentarians across the globe, calls for installing NCRI as a provisional government for six months to set up elections and a constituent assembly.

The resolution was introduced Wednesday ahead of a 2 p.m. hearing entitled “The Future of Iran” with the Congressional Iran Human Rights and Democracy Caucus, where Rajavi – a top target of Iran’s terror plots and demonization – will give testimony.

The first Trump administration imposed harsh sanctions to bankrupt Iran but stayed away from messaging campaigns aimed at encouraging Iranian resistance. This time around, opposition supporters say the situation on the ground has changed – the regime is far weaker after Bashar al-Assad was forced out of power in Syria and Israel has decimated its proxies, Hamas and Hezbollah. Protests have again kicked up across the nation and threaten to spread if the financial crisis does not improve.

Rajavi, in her opening remarks, will say that the Iranian regime is at its weakest point in decades. “​​The situation of the Iranian society is explosive. During its 46-year rule, the religious fascism has never been so weak and fragile,” Rajavi is expected to say, according to remarks obtained by Fox News Digital.

“The mullahs are surrounded from all sides: by a society that is filled with anger and rebellion, by Resistance Units, and by selfless and rebellious youth, because of its bankrupt economy and corruption in the government, particularly after the overthrow of the brutal dictatorship of Assad and the collapse of the regime’s “strategic depth” in the region.”

The resolution is sure to rankle Ayatollah Ali Khameni, leader of the current Iranian regime, and supporters of Reza Pahlavi II, whose father ruled Iran in the 1970s, who want to see the younger Pahlavi take power in Iran and deeply oppose the NCRI.

Rajavi will call for the implementation of United Nations snapback sanctions that were eased under the 2015 nuclear deal, putting the regime under the Chapter VII charter of the U.N. as a threat to peace and formally recognizing the resistance’s movement for regime change.

She will also pay tribute to two resistance leaders, Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani, who have been sentenced to death on charges of “rebellion” and for being members of the MEK. The U.N. has called on Iran to halt their executions. The regime has executed 120,000 on political grounds over the past four decades, according to Rajavi.

The hearings come after the Trump administration pushed forward with its promise to return the U.S. to “maximum pressure” sanctions with new crackdowns on Iranian oil tankers.

Trump has said he would “love to make a deal” with the nation’s clerical leaders, but Iran has insisted it will not engage in nuclear negotiations while the U.S. is imposing maximum pressure.

“Iran’s position regarding nuclear talks is clear, and we will not negotiate under pressure and sanctions,” Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said during a televised joint press conference with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov.         “There is no possibility of direct negotiations with the U.S. as long as maximum pressure is being applied in this way.”

Fox News        |         Fmr. Secretary Michael Pompeo        |        February 5, 2025

President Donald Trump achieved a vision of peace and prosperity in the Middle East none thought possible in his first term. Now, he has an incredible opportunity to reshape the future of the Middle East for years to come.

This week, he took the first step toward realizing this vision by doubling down on his maximum pressure campaign against Iran. His team can complement this sanctions approach by continuing the work of the first Trump administration and expanding the Abraham Accords.

As the past four years have shown, enriching and enabling the malign Iranian regime only leads to war and terror. As Trump demonstrated, the best way to avoid these outcomes is through massive and effective sanctions on Iranian oil exports, which allow the regime to prop up its dysfunctional economy, fund terrorist proxies like Hamas and Hezbollah, and inflict pain and suffering on the Iranian people.

This is why we in the first Trump administration, at the president’s direction, successfully targeted Iran’s oil exports with historic sanctions. At the end of our tenure, Iran’s oil exports had fallen to just about 400,000 barrels a day. Like an animal caught in a trap, the regime thrashed and tried to break free by escalating tensions and instigating conflict.

President Trump met this escalation with steel resolve in the form of contained, lethal strikes – like that which claimed the life of Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani – that maintained deterrence while not putting American soldiers in harm’s way.

By bankrupting the Iranian regime and building a coalition of partners and allies willing to contain Iran through the Abraham Accords, the first Trump administration laid the groundwork for a genuinely peaceful and prosperous Middle East. I was proud to have contributed to this historic effort as secretary of state.

Unfortunately, the Biden administration favored appeasement rather than deterrence. It failed to continue our sanctions program, made obscene ransom payments to the ayatollah, and revived the Obama-era falsehood that the regime would moderate – if only the right deal could be struck.

Led astray by fantasy, Obama’s successors in Team Biden went right back to enriching the regime at the expense of America’s security and that of our allies. At one point in the administration, Iran was exporting roughly 2 million barrels of oil per day – five times more than it had been just a few years prior – and Iran sold $144 billion worth of oil over Team Biden’s first three years.

This infusion of wealth yielded predictable results. Iran resumed funding its proxies, Hamas perpetrated its grotesque attacks on Oct. 7, 2023, and the Houthis initiated a blockade of the Red Sea that lasted more than a year. Iranian-backed militias killed six American service members over the administration’s last two years in office. Iran built and sold thousands of drones to Russia that bolstered Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, and it sold more oil than ever to the People’s Republic of China.

Abandoning our maximum pressure campaign was a disaster for America’s foreign policy and national security.

President Trump’s decision to reverse Biden’s appeasement and bring back our maximum pressure campaign was necessary, and its timing is perfect: Israel’s incapacitation of Hezbollah helped lead to the downfall of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, and Israel’s campaign in Gaza to destroy Hamas is nearing victory.

These realities have left the regime in Tehran at its weakest point in years. Now is the time not only for maximum pressure to return with support for the organized opposition within Iran, but also for the White House to fully support our ally Israel in its mission to ensure Iran never reaches its goal of creating a nuclear weapon.

This will set the stage for the Iranian people to decide their own future instead of the tyrannical despots in Tehran, and it will give our partners and allies in the region the space and security they need to deepen their economic and security ties.

Whether within Iran, across the Middle East, or elsewhere, the return of President Trump’s maximum pressure campaign is tremendous news for lovers of liberty – but his team should not stop there.

Iran is not our only vulnerable adversary: Putin’s wartime economy is on life support, and the Chinese Communist Party’s centrally-planned economy is under serious strain. Now is not the time to back off, relieve pressure or seek deals – now is the time to secure a better future for the United States and the world.

President Trump’s maximum pressure campaign worked once against Iran, and it will work again; he should expand this strategy beyond the regime in Tehran.

https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/mike-pompeo-trumps-renewed-maximum-pressure-iran-reshape-middle-east

Telegraph     |     Maryam Rajavi     |     December 30, 2024

With the fall of Syria’s dictator, one of Tehran’s most crucial allies, the overthrow of Iran’s theocratic regime has become more plausible than ever. In response, regime Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei is likely to pursue the most perilous course imaginable: equipping the world’s foremost sponsor of terrorism with nuclear weapons.

Recent revelations from the Iranian Resistance indicate that Tehran has accelerated its pursuit of an atomic bomb. This reckless gambit is aimed at deflecting mounting domestic crises while compensating for its strategic failures across the region.

For over four decades, Iran’s ruling mullahs have maintained their grip on one of the world’s oldest and most storied civilisations through a dual strategy: ruthless repression within their borders and belligerence abroad, marked by the export of terrorism and aggression across the region and beyond.

The survival of the Iranian regime is deeply intertwined with its meddling in the region, and Syria served as the linchpin of this strategy. The Assad regime’s alliance with Tehran allowed Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to establish a direct corridor to the Mediterranean, extending its influence to Lebanon and empowering its most critical proxy, Hezbollah.

Tehran funnelled at least $50 billion into the Syrian conflict between 2012 and 2020. This immense financial commitment was matched by human costs, as thousands of IRGC troops, including dozens of high-ranking commanders, were killed protecting the Assad regime.

In an admission of Syria’s importance, in a meeting with the families of the regime forces killed in Syria, in January 2017, Khamenei said, “If the enemies and seditionists were not stopped there … we would have had to stop them in Tehran.”

Mullah Mehdi Ta’eb, a close confidant of Khamenei, declared in February 2013: “Syria is our 35th and strategic province. If the enemy attacks us and forces a choice between Syria and Khuzestan (Iran’s oil-rich province), our priority is to hold Syria.” He further emphasized, “If we retain Syria, we can reclaim Khuzestan. But if we lose Syria, we cannot even hold Tehran.”

The mullahs now find themselves at their weakest point in decades. Assad’s fall is a seismic event that delivers a resounding message to Iran’s disillusioned youth and rebellious people: even the heavily armed forces of Assad’s regime, bolstered by tens of thousands of IRGC Quds Force operatives, collapsed in a mere 11 days – dissolving like snow under the summer sun. Khamenei’s armed forces are in no better condition.

Over the past six years, Iran’s regime has been rocked by four nationwide uprisings and countless smaller protests, culminating in the sweeping 2022 uprising. The underlying drivers of this unrest, including a crumbling economy, rampant inflation, staggering unemployment, entrenched corruption, and systemic repression – particularly targeting women – have only worsened.

In an attempt to stifle dissent, the regime has unleashed an unprecedented wave of executions, with over 650 carried out in less than five months under its new president, Masoud Pezeshkian.

The mullahs now face a perilous dilemma, each option fraught with existential risk. They can either retreat from their decades-long strategy of exporting terrorism, warmongering, and pursuing nuclear weapons, or continue to defy the international community.

All indications suggest that Khamenei perceives the first path as the more immediate threat to his regime’s survival, fearing it would hasten its collapse. For over three decades, the international community’s efforts to deter Tehran from these destabilising behaviours have proven fruitless. Until the regime itself is overthrown, such efforts are likely to continue meeting the same fate.

To address the crisis in Iran, sanctions and international pressure, while necessary, are insufficient on their own. The ultimate solution lies in an Iranian answer: regime change led by the people and the organised Resistance.

The essential elements for this transformation are already in place. An experienced, organised resistance network with thousands of committed members operates alongside an alternative with broad social backing and international recognition. This opposition has articulated a clear political programme and a practical roadmap for establishing a free and democratic society.

At the heart of this movement are Iran’s disillusioned population and the Resistance Units, driving the engine of change. According to plan formulated by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) – a democratic coalition of opposition forces – following the regime’s overthrow, an interim government will form for no more than six months. Its primary mission will be to hold free and fair elections for a Constituent Assembly, transferring sovereignty to the people’s representatives. This assembly will then elect a new interim government tasked with drafting a constitution for the new republic within two years.

This vision for a free Iran leaves no room for chaos. It envisions a nation founded on democracy, where legitimacy is determined by the ballot box, women enjoy full equality, nationalities and minorities are autonomous and respected, Shi’ites, Sunnis and other religions are equal, religion and state are separated, and peace is prioritised. A non-nuclear Iran committed to regional stability would emerge as a force for progress in the Middle East.

With the Iranian regime mired in its most profound existential crisis and the Iranian people resolved to chart a new course, the international community must adopt a bold and realistic policy. It must deny the regime any chance of survival and fully recognise the Iranian people’s right to overthrow their oppressors. This policy should include holding the regime accountable for its repression, terrorism, and nuclear ambitions.

Such an approach in 2025 would pave the way for lasting peace and stability in the region and beyond. The prospect of a democratic, secular, and pluralistic Iran is now closer than ever.

Maryam Rajavi is the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran

https://news.yahoo.com/news/west-must-back-regime-change-115242370.html

MEF Director Gregg Roman Lays Out a Strategy for Regional Stability and Democratic Change in Iran
Middle East Forum     |     Gregg Roman     |     December 27, 2024

Iran’s status as the most destabilizing force in the Middle East presents a pressing need for change. Today, the Islamic Republic is a regional hegemon that uses proxies in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen to destabilize neighboring states and challenge US interests. The October 7, 2023, Hamas-led massacre and subsequent regional escalation serve as reminders of the Islamic Republic’s ambitions and its nuclear aspirations, making it the central challenge to US policy in the region.

For decades, US strategies toward Iran have failed to achieve their intended outcomes. The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) emboldened Tehran by providing financial resources that it used to augment regional terrorism and its ballistic missile program. Conversely, the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign created economic hardships for the regime but failed to force substantive policy changes. These shortcomings highlight the need for a new, comprehensive approach to empower Iranians to challenge their regime and enable democratic transition in Iran.

Strategic Context

The 2022 protests that erupted after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini underscored the Iranian regime’s fragility as they spread across the country and exposed deep-seated public dissatisfaction with the government’s corruption, mismanagement, and suppression of human rights. The difficulties the regime faced suppressing these protests exposed other vulnerabilities. Simultaneously, Iran’s ethnic minorities—including Kurds, Arabs, and Baluchis – demonstrated organizational capacity and present opportunities to exert additional pressure on the regime.

The shortcomings of both the Obama and Trump administrations’ policies highlight the need for a new, comprehensive approach to empower Iranians to challenge their regime and enable democratic transition in Iran.

The December 2024 fall of Assad’s regime in Syria has dramatically altered Iran’s regional position. While Tehran maintains proxy networks in Syria, the loss of its primary state ally and Russia’s diminished regional role create new strategic opportunities to constrain Iranian influence.

With the second Trump administration crafting its foreign policy strategy, decisiveness is imperative. Half-hearted measures will not suffice. As Secretary of State-designate Marco Rubio pointed out, “Empowering the Iranian people is not just the right thing to do; it’s the most sustainable path to regional stability.”

The incoming US administration must seize this opportunity to exploit the regime’s weaknesses and to stymie its external aggression. The approach requires integrating economic pressure, support for internal opposition, dismantling Iran’s regional proxy network, finalizing Saudi-Israel relations, and implementing an aggressive information warfare campaign.

Amplifying Internal Pressures

The Iranian regime’s vulnerability lies in its internal fissures. Public dissent has reached unprecedented levels due to economic collapse, widespread corruption, and unpopular foreign interventions. A strategy of regime change must capitalize on these weaknesses by fostering domestic opposition and amplifying social unrest. Establishing an Iran Democracy Fund will serve as a central mechanism for this effort.

The Iran Democracy Fund would channel resources to vetted grassroots organizations, amplifying the power of labor unions, women’s rights advocates, environmental activists, and students. Transparency will be critical, but so will results. Equally important is providing secure technologies like encrypted messaging platforms and satellite internet access, enabling activists to communicate and organize.

Case studies from the Cold War illustrate the transformative power of external support for dissidents. Programs including Radio Free Europe provided not just information but hope – a critical resource under oppressive regimes. A modern equivalent—using social media and Persian-language satellite television—can play a similar role in Iran, broadcasting credible content that challenges regime narratives and highlights democratic alternatives.

Radio Free Europe (RFE) provides a powerful historical precedent for how external media support can empower dissidents and undermine authoritarian regimes. Launched in 1949 during the Cold War, the CIA initially funded RFE with additional support from private donors. Its mission was to broadcast uncensored news and cultural content into the Eastern bloc, countering state propaganda and fostering pro-democratic sentiments.

RFE’s reach was substantial. At its peak, it broadcast in multiple languages to millions of listeners behind the Iron Curtain.

Dissidents, including Václav Havel in Czechoslovakia and Lech Wałęsa, in Poland credited its broadcasts with inspiring resistance movements and offering hope. RFE also amplified the voices of exiled intellectuals, creating a bridge between dissident communities abroad and those living under Communist rule. By the 1980s, Soviet leaders acknowledged the network’s role in fomenting unrest, demonstrating its effectiveness as a soft-power tool.

A modern equivalent for Iran could harness advances in digital technology while maintaining RFE’s core principles of accuracy, credibility, and accessibility. Persian-language satellite television channels, complemented by social media platforms like Telegram and Instagram, could replicate RFE’s ability to penetrate an authoritarian information space. Investment in these platforms would give Iranian activists a vital resource for organizing, spreading counter-regime narratives, and fostering hope for change.

Ethnic minority regions also present specific opportunities for destabilizing the regime. In the Kurdish northwest, longstanding smuggling networks offer conduits for material support and information flows. Training programs conducted in neighboring countries’ regions, such as Iraqi Kurdistan, can enhance the organizational capabilities of Kurdish groups and equip them with the tools needed for sustained resistance. Similar opportunities exist in the southeastern Baluchi regions, where traditional tribal structures and cross-border connections provide natural frameworks for challenging the regime. In Khuzestan, home to Iran’s Arab minority and key oil infrastructure, civil resistance efforts can disrupt critical economic operations while gathering intelligence on regime activities. However, support for these communities must tread carefully. While their grievances are legitimate, the focus must remain on a unified, democratic Iran—not fragmented separatism that could weaken the broader movement by allowing the regime to cast itself as the defender of Iranian nationalism.

Technology plays a critical role in empowering opposition groups. To ensure effective use, the United States must provide secure communication tools such as encrypted messaging platforms, satellite internet access, virtual private networks, and comprehensive training.

Technology plays a critical role in empowering opposition groups. To ensure effective use, the United States must provide secure communication tools such as encrypted messaging platforms, satellite internet access, virtual private networks, and comprehensive training. These tools will enable activists to coordinate protests, disseminate information, and evade regime surveillance. Simultaneously, professional development programs should focus on building sustainable leadership within opposition movements. Training in organizational management, civil resistance tactics, strategic communications, and coalition-building will prepare these groups to play a central role in a post-regime transition.

With a youthful, educated population eager to connect with the global digital economy, there are natural avenues through which influence can flow into the country. Iranian tech entrepreneurs need access to international mentorship programs, technical resources, and networking. These linkages will also play an essential role in turning Iran’s young, technology-literate generation into a potent force for pro-democracy change as it builds its capabilities to evade and circumvent regime control systems.

Intensifying Economic Pressure

Economic pressure must not only exceed the scope of previous sanctions campaigns, it must also evolve to outpace Iran’s evasion tactics. The Treasury Department should establish a specialized task force to dismantle the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) financial empire, which spans construction, telecommunications, energy, and shipping. These operations often rely on front companies and shell corporations to evade sanctions. The US can deprive the IRGC of revenue streams by targeting these entities.

The shipping sector requires particular attention, as the IRGC uses a fleet of vessels operating under flags of convenience to transport oil, weapons, and other goods. Interdiction in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean must be relentless. Targeting IRGC-linked vessels, supported by diplomatic pressure on complicit port operators and flag states, could sever critical smuggling routes. Similarly, IRGC-linked engineering firms, which secure lucrative infrastructure contracts across the region, must be denied access to materials and financing.

The energy sector remains a cornerstone of the Iranian economy and a vital source of funding for the regime. The US should expand its monitoring of oil and petrochemical transactions, working with financial institutions to block suspicious payments. Enhanced scrutiny of trade finance mechanisms, such as letters of credit and pre-export financing, will further disrupt Iran’s ability to sell its resources.

The US should expand its monitoring of oil and petrochemical transactions, working with financial institutions to block suspicious payments. Enhanced scrutiny of trade finance mechanisms, such as letters of credit and pre-export financing, will further disrupt Iran’s ability to sell its resources.

Additionally, targeting the personal financial networks of regime leaders, including their assets in foreign jurisdictions, will create direct pressure on decision-makers and expose their corruption. IRGC officials and clerics have fortunes held in the names of family members or subordinates. Such assets are spread around different countries, including Turkish and Malaysian properties, Gulf State investments, and accounts in Asian financial centers. This direct pressure on decision-makers while exposing the corruption of the regime elite is uniquely effective in targeting these personal holdings.

Iran’s use of cryptocurrency to evade sanctions presents an evolving challenge. The US should collaborate with blockchain analysis firms to monitor these transactions and develop regulatory frameworks to counter this threat. Financial institutions must adopt stricter due diligence practices to sever Iran’s access to international banking networks, particularly in crucial trading hubs such as the UAE, Turkey, and Malaysia.

Dismantling Iran’s Regional Proxy Network

Iran’s proxy network is its greatest strength and Achilles’ heel. Groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, Shia militias in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen enable Tehran to project power far beyond its borders. However, these proxies also drain resources and expose vulnerabilities.

Iran’s proxies represent both a threat to US allies and a vulnerability for Tehran. Hezbollah’s prior dominance undermined Lebanese sovereignty and fueled regional instability. The US should suspend aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces until it disarms Hezbollah. Supporting Israeli operations to neutralize Hezbollah aligns with US interests and weakens Iran’s influence.

In Iraq, Tehran has established a “deep state” through pro-Iran Shia militias and allied political figures. Countering this influence requires strengthening nationalist elements within Iraq’s political system and security forces. The United States should maintain a military presence in both Baghdad-controlled Iraq, and the Kurdistan Regional Government while investing in infrastructure and development projects that provide alternatives to Iranian economic penetration. Security force professionalization programs emphasizing national loyalty over sectarian allegiance will further reduce Iranian influence.

In Syria, the collapse of Assad’s regime has fundamentally altered the strategic landscape. While Iran lost its primary state ally, Tehran maintains militia networks that now operate with greater autonomy. These forces seek to preserve Iranian interests amid the power vacuum, particularly around Damascus and in areas near Lebanon’s border. The United States must adapt its approach given Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) control of Damascus and Turkey’s expanded proxy presence. American forces should establish defensive positions east of the Euphrates, while coordinating with Kurdish allies to prevent both Iranian resupply efforts and Turkish expansion. Special operations teams must enhance training for Kurdish units while gathering intelligence on Iranian militia movements through the region.

The US should suspend aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces until it disarms Hezbollah. Supporting Israeli operations to neutralize Hezbollah aligns with US interests and weakens Iran’s influence.

Maritime operations require enhanced naval presence across multiple theaters. The Strait of Hormuz demands particular attention, with continuous deployment of naval assets to ensure freedom of navigation and deter Iranian provocations. These operations must be closely coordinated with regional partners, particularly the Saudi and Emirati navies, in order to establish comprehensive maritime domain awareness.

Interdiction of weapons shipments requires sophisticated intelligence collection and rapid response capabilities. This effort must focus on known trafficking routes while maintaining flexibility to respond to emerging patterns.

Protection of commercial shipping demands an approach combining military presence, intelligence collection, and industry cooperation. The administration should establish a dedicated maritime security coordination center, bringing together military assets, commercial shipping operators, and regional partners. This center would coordinate escort operations, share threat intelligence, and establish standard operating procedures for vessels transiting high-risk areas.

Leveraging Regional Cooperation:

Normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel presents a pivotal opportunity to alter the strategic landscape in the Middle East and strengthen US efforts to diminish Iranian power. Normalization might allow military, economic, and intelligence cooperation in practice, creating a regional front against Tehran and its destabilizing actions.

Maritime security is an area of potential cooperation. Iranian smuggling, including the delivery of weapons to militia proxies, continues through both the Strait of Hormuz and Bab-el-Mandeb, critical chokepoints for all traffic. This has become even more crucial following Assad’s fall, as Iran seeks alternative supply routes to maintain its influence in Syria. With its naval forces, Saudi Arabia can operate in these regions and offer logistical support and operational resources, while Israel can use its intelligence capabilities to locate and monitor IRGC-affiliated vessels. Combined with the US Navy, these regional actors could develop a cohesive maritime security architecture that would dramatically enhance interdiction capabilities and disrupt Iranian supply chains.

Air defense is another critical feature of regional cooperation. Iran has been expanding its arsenal of ballistic missiles and drones, which are a severe danger to US partners in the area. With Assad’s fall creating new uncertainties about weapons proliferation in Syria, integrated air defense becomes even more crucial. THAAD – and other US systems – could be integrated with systems like the Israeli Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and Arrow III to create a standard, multi-layered air defense. The ability of the Saudis to field Israeli systems in Saudi Arabia is part of a contiguous swath of protective cover over the Gulf region. Aside from cementing operational ties, this partnership would also bolster the collective security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and other American allies.

With Assad’s fall creating new uncertainties about weapons proliferation in Syria, integrated air defense becomes even more crucial. THAAD – and other US systems – could be integrated with systems like the Israeli Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and Arrow III to create a standard, multi-layered air defense.

Sharing intelligence to dismantle Iran’s proxy networks is also critically important. Iran uses clandestine means to supply money and arms — over land and sea routes — for its regional proxies, especially Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Shia militias in Iraq. Saudi-Israeli intelligence-gathering allows the dissemination of information well in advance of these operations so that this potential intelligence is utilized to disperse Iranian forces working with militias in Yemen, Iraq, or Syria. A regional intelligence coordination center — staffed by the US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other like-minded states — could track and eliminate Iranian proxies.

A Saudi-Israel economic partnership would further strengthen endeavors to corner Iran. Together, they could interdict Tehran’s dark money flows, enforce sanctions relief, keep tabs on shipping lanes, monitor sanctions evasion, and diminish Iran’s capacity to support its proxies and nuclear ambitions.

An Aggressive Information Campaign

An effective information campaign will target Iranian audiences across multiple platforms, emphasizing regime failures and opposition successes. Persian-language media initiatives should produce content that challenges regime narratives while promoting democratic values. Persian-language media must move beyond traditional news broadcasts. Cultural programming—dramas exposing corruption, documentaries on democratic movements, and satire—can engage younger audiences and challenge the regime’s legitimacy. Social media campaigns must leverage influential Iranian voices to build credibility and engage younger demographics, while mobile messaging platforms distribute real-time updates on protests and regime activities.

Documentation of human rights abuses will reinforce the regime’s illegitimacy on the international stage. A dedicated human rights documentation center should collect, verify, and publicize evidence of regime violations, focusing on both historical atrocities and ongoing abuses.

Economic mismanagement represents a compelling message theme that resonates across Iranian society. The administration should establish dedicated analytical capabilities to track and publicize the regime’s financial failures, connecting high-level policy decisions to impacts on ordinary citizens. This should include regular reports on inflation rates, unemployment levels, and the deterioration of public services.

The costs of maintaining proxy forces provide another crucial messaging theme. The administration should develop tracking mechanisms to document the regime’s expenditures on foreign interventions, presenting this information in formats accessible to average Iranians. This effort should highlight examples of regime spending on foreign militia groups while domestic needs go unmet.

Nuclear program expenses represent a sensitive topic that requires careful messaging. The administration should develop detailed analyses demonstrating the massive costs of nuclear development while highlighting how these resources could be better spent on domestic needs. This messaging should emphasize the program’s role in perpetuating Iran’s international isolation while questioning its actual benefits to national security.

Transition Planning and Post-Regime Scenarios

Assad’s fall in Syria provides valuable lessons for Iranian transition planning. The swift collapse of a longstanding authoritarian regime, the emergence of new power centers, and the challenge of securing military assets all offer insights for preparing contingencies in Iran. The United States must anticipate similar dynamics while preparing for multiple transition scenarios in Tehran.

In the event of a managed transition, military elements willing to facilitate change must be identified and incentivized with guarantees of institutional survival. Technocratic continuity in essential government functions will ensure stability during the transition period, while rapid international recognition of a new government will provide legitimacy.

A sudden collapse of the regime would demand swift action. Securing nuclear facilities, preventing weapons proliferation, and stabilizing public order would become priorities—yet these efforts could face significant logistical and diplomatic challenges.

A sudden collapse of the regime would demand swift action. Securing nuclear facilities, preventing weapons proliferation, and stabilizing public order would become priorities—yet these efforts could face significant logistical and diplomatic challenges. Interim governance structures must be established quickly to prevent power vacuums, while international partners provide technical and humanitarian assistance.

A hybrid scenario, where parts of the regime remain in power while others collapse, will require engagement to manage parallel transitions. Constitutional reform, security sector transformation, and economic restructuring will be critical to rebuilding Iran as a stable, democratic state.

No strategy is without risks. Sanctions come with risks. They could worsen suffering, alienate ordinary Iranians and fuel anti-US sentiment. Policymakers must balance these trade-offs with visible support for humanitarian aid to mitigate backlash. Similarly, support for opposition groups may provoke accusations of foreign interference, compromising their legitimacy.

Moreover, regional dynamics present additional hurdles. Saudi-Israeli normalization, while promising, requires navigation to ensure cooperation without alienating other Gulf partners. Efforts to dismantle Iran’s proxies must avoid entangling the US in prolonged conflicts that divert resources from broader strategic goals.

Conclusion

The United States stands at a crossroads in its approach to Iran. As historian Niall Ferguson observed, “Empires often fall not from external conquest, but from internal decay.” The Islamic Republic is rotting from within. Washington can accelerate that process with clarity, conviction, and care. The US can weaken the Iranian regime and pave the way for a democratic transition. Eliminating Iran as a destabilizing force will transform the Middle East, securing long-term stability and advancing US strategic goals.

https://www.meforum.org/mef-online/a-comprehensive-strategy-for-democratic-transition-in-iran

Townhall      |     Ivan Sascha Sheehan     |     Nov 27, 2024

In a meeting at the White House to discuss the upcoming transition, President Joe Biden acknowledged to President-elect Donald Trump that Iran is the most pressing foreign threat to the United States, its allies, and their collective interests.

That threat has been underscored over the past year by worsening conflict between Israel and Iran’s militant proxies in the surrounding region, which has twice given way to direct exchanges of fire between the two countries. And just this past week, the meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Board of Governors called further attention to the fact that concerns over Iran’s possible breakout to nuclear weapons capability are as salient as ever.

Nevertheless, comparatively less attention has been given to the threats that Iran’s theocratic dictatorship poses to its own people. Since undergoing its own presidential transition last summer, following the death of Ebrahim Raisi, the Islamic Republic has surged its use of executions and claimed hundreds of lives, including at least 178 in October alone.

It now appears likely that the total number of executions in 2024 will surpass the total from the previous year, which exceeded 850 – an eight-year high. The unfortunate trend reflects a broader crackdown on dissent that was motivated by the nationwide uprising that began in September 2022after the morality police killed a 22-year-old Kurdish woman, Mahsa Amini, for allegedly wearing her mandatory headscarf too loosely.

The mass executions and politically motivated arrests and prosecutions are indicative of the regime’s fear of popular revolt. Countrywide unrest in 2022 was widely recognized as the greatest challenge to that regime’s hold on power since its inception in the wake of the 1979 revolution, with elements persisting today in the form of anonymous public advocacy for regime change and mass boycotts of parliamentary and presidential elections.

With tensions between the regime and the Iranian people worsening, it is increasingly clear that a complete change of regime spearheaded by the Iranian resistance is the only acceptable political outcome. Iran policy scholars in the United States have long understood that the Iranian people are natural allies when it comes to confronting threats emanating from Tehran.

Now there is a growing recognition of this reality on the other side of the Atlantic.

At a recent conference in the European Parliament, senior European officials from diverse political backgrounds joined Resistance leader Maryam Rajavi in criticizing Western policymakers for chronically overlooking the Iranian people in the development of their strategies for dealing with the regime and accused them of too often embracing policies that tend toward appeasement.

A more effective approach, according to Rajavi and the Members of Parliament that spoke alongside her, is to leverage the discontent on the Iranian street by exerting maximum pressure on Tehran for the express purpose of empowering the Iranian people to complete the process of overthrow that commenced with the anti-regime rebellion of 2022.

This strategy has long been undermined by an incorrect belief – often peddled by the regime’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) and its agents – that no viable alternative to the current regime exists and that support for regime change would only lead to chaos or protracted, partisan violence.

In response to those concerns, Rajavi presented a roadmap for political change facilitated by the opposition organization she leads, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI). Specifically, she articulated a “Process for Regime Change and the Role of the Organized Resistance” that leverages key components of her coalition, including the Army of Freedom together with the female-led Resistance Units leading the charge with the NCRI as the democratic alternative to the mullahs.

Rajavi declared that that within six months of the mullahs’ overthrow, elections would be held for a Constituent Assembly, which would then “appoint a new government for a two-year term to draft, approve, and hold a referendum on the constitution of the new republic.”

“This structured approach ensures that, with a viable alternative in place, there will be no room for chaos,” Rajavi said, before expressing confidence that millions of Iranian expatriates would return to their homeland during and after the implementation of this plan, bringing along “expertise and resources” to help smooth the transition to a secular, Western-style democracy.

In the meantime, the NCRI’s principal constituent group, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), can be expected to continue its oversight of a nationwide network of Resistance Units actively pushing for regime change while awaiting the support of the international community they have long deserved.

Any serious discussion of Iran policy – whether in Europe or the United States – must acknowledge that, at least since 2022, the Iranian people have been united in one purpose: toppling their clerical rulers.

Guided by a well-organized Resistance movement, regime change from within is the only permanent solution to the Iran threat, both domestic and global. The role of the Iranian people and their resistance have been overlooked for too long. It is time for a new approach that prioritizes the people’s calls for a democratic transition by rejecting the regime’s authoritarian rulers as a permanent fixture of the Middle East landscape.

Ivan Sascha Sheehan is a professor of Public and International affairs and the associate dean of the College of Public Affairs at the University of Baltimore. Opinions expressed are his own. Follow him on X @ProfSheehan

https://townhall.com/columnists/print/2648265

THE HILL     |     BY RAMESH SEPEHRRAD     |     July 14, 2024

The recent presidential election in Iran, marked by historically low voter turnout and pervasive public rejection, underscores the profound disillusionment and frustration coursing through society.

Masoud Pezeshkian, while touted by some as a reformist, epitomizes the paradox of Tehran’s politics, where the facade of change masks a deeply entrenched crisis of survival. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s increasingly tenuous grip on power is evident as he navigates a regime riddled with internal strife, economic challenges and a society that has rejected his regime in its entirety. This election, far from heralding stabilization, portends a tumultuous period ahead for Khamenei’s leadership.

Pezeshkian’s ascent to the presidency, secured through a narrow margin over hard-liner Saeed Jalili, is an outcome of strategic maneuvers within a tightly controlled political system and a growing crisis for the regime. His acknowledgment that “Khamenei sets all plans and policies, and straying from them is my redline” demonstrates that there will not be any change under his administration.

This admission highlights a broader systemic issue in Iran: The ultimate authority lies with the supreme leader, rendering the president’s role largely ceremonial in terms of any policy shifts.

Pezeshkian’s emergence is the result of Khamenei’s strategic missteps, which are becoming increasingly apparent. The death of Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash disrupted the supreme leader’s plans to consolidate his power further. Raisi’s death not only deprived Khamenei of a loyal enforcer but also exposed the vulnerabilities within the regime’s leadership structure.

The election of Pezeshkian further complicates Khamenei’s position, as it signals a crack in the hardliner facade he has meticulously maintained. One can argue Pezeshkian’s presidency is a direct result of infighting among the hardliners, which exposes Khamenei’s fading influence, even among his inner circles.

Whether Khamenei’s calculation was based on managing hardliner infighting or ability to control Pezeshkian more than Jalili, it suggests he is no longer able to fully manage the affairs of his regime as he did under Raisi.

Ali Khamenei congratulated Pezeshkian, urging him to “continue the path of Martyr Raisi.” However, this endorsement does little to mitigate the underlying challenges. Khamenei also accused “enemies of the Iranian nation” of orchestrating a scheme to boycott the elections, a claim that illustrates the regime’s paranoia and disconnect from the genuine rejection by the Iranian people.

The boycott of the election by at least 60 percent (the official number) or as many as 91 percent of Iranians (according to an opposition group) is a stark indictment of the regime’s legitimacy. This mass abstention reflects widespread disillusionment and indicates the potential for a nationwide uprising, reminiscent of the final phase of the shah’s regime that led to the 1979 revolution. The foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran are weakening, and internal factions are increasingly at odds, creating a scenario where the regime’s stability is precariously perched on a crumbling edifice.

Pezeshkian’s victory is laden with contradictions. His alignment with former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and advocacy for better relations with the West, a return to the nuclear accord and less stringent enforcement of the hijab law are significant propaganda tools aimed at creating breathing room for the regime in the western media and international community.

In his first public speech, he acknowledged, “We must first thank the supreme leader. Certainly, if it were not for him, I don’t think our names would have come out of these ballot boxes so easily. This was the guidance that the supreme leader provided.”

The reaction in Tehran following the announcement of the results was telling. There were no obvious celebrations, indicating a deep sense of disengagement and rejection. This lack of public enthusiasm further underscores the fragile state of the regime’s legitimacy and the daunting challenges that lie ahead for both Pezeshkian and Khamenei.

The deep scars of the ongoing brutal crackdown, especially since the 2022 protests, remain irreconcilable between the regime and people from all walks of life. The regime’s increased penalties for women who disobey dress codes and the sentencing of protesters to death reflect a desperate attempt to maintain control through fear and repression. Massive corruption and mafia-style economic governance by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps leave no room for economic progress for workers, retirees, non-governmental organizations and unions.

Pezeshkian’s stance on these issues, while different in tone, aligns fully with the regime’s draconian measures.

Pezeshkian’s hollow promises of reform, or his ability to implement any change, will lead to a tumultuous period characterized by internal strife, backlash from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and an uncertain succession for the supreme leader. Khamenei’s weakening grip on power is being tested as never before, and the cracks within the regime are becoming increasingly visible.

As the regime navigates this precarious juncture, the potential for significant upheaval looms large, with the future likely to be decided in the streets by the growing resistance advocating for a non-nuclear, secular republic in Iran.

https://thehill.com/opinion/4766151-iranian-election-disillusionment/

Khamenei knows he can’t offer concessions, since the smallest shift could trigger another uprising across the deprived and suppressed nation

Telegraph    |    Maryam Rajavi    |    September 17, 2023

Almost exactly a year ago, a remarkable nationwide uprising unfolded in Iran. It witnessed people from all walks of life chanting “death to [regime supreme leader Ali] Khamenei” and “down with the oppressor”. These powerful words reflected the popular rejection of the clerical regime. In mere days, the uprising became a firestorm of dissent that encompassed every province and shook the ruling theocracy to its core.

In response, the regime embarked on a campaign to ruthlessly suppress the revolt. The past year has been unmistakably characterized by the people’s uprising on the one hand, and the regime’s relentless crackdown on the other. However, when we contemplate the future of Iran, a fundamental question arises: which one of these forces will ultimately shape the nation’s destiny?

The mullahs want to convey the impression that the balance of power has reverted to its pre-uprising status. But the daily realities experienced by the people paint a starkly contrasting narrative. A bankrupt economy, unbridled inflation, chronic unemployment, and institutionalized discrimination are contributing to a situation in which Iranian society is primed to erupt again.

The events of September 2022 revealed widespread discontent transcending class, region, generation and gender. It was led by women. The middle and lower classes came to the streets in major urban centres and smaller towns. And in spite of the regime’s four-decade endeavor to exert control over universities, students played a leading role in the uprising, often receiving resolute support from fellow citizens. There was also unprecedented participation from high school students. This epitomized the people’s fervent longing to oust the theocracy, which, for over four decades, has clung to power through brutal repression. Despite its brutality, the regime has failed to eliminate the organised resistance.

Western analysts, taken aback by the profound societal discontent, might have been less surprised had they been attuned to recent developments in Iranian society. Several nationwide uprisings have unfolded since December 2017, steadily increasing in frequency, scale and social inclusiveness, while the demands of participants have grown progressively radical.

All of which is compounded by the fact that the regime is woefully incapable of enacting major economic, political or social changes. It knows that any substantial change would risk spiraling out of control, intensifying the populace’s desire for self-governance and liberty, and ultimately hastening its own disintegration. Consequently, the regime can only rely on short-term, constrained measures to stifle dissent or temporarily placate the public. It has no long-term strategy to avert enduring conflict.

Khamenei is acutely aware that a larger uprising looms on the horizon. Yet his response remains confined to consolidating power within loyalist ranks, poised to enforce future suppressive measures. This only serves to bolster the people’s calls for a comprehensive regime change, escalating social tensions and setting the stage for a more devastating revolt.

The Iranian people are resolute in their quest for freedom. The West must now recalibrate its policies consistent with this reality in mind, and abandon the politics of appeasement. It should refrain from offering concessions to the regime, designate the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, and acknowledge the Iranian people’s inalienable right to resist against tyranny.

Maryam Rajavi is the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2023/09/17/the-iranian-regime-is-primed-for-total-collapse

Global Consensus: NCRI Stands as Viable Democratic Alternative for Iran
Townhall     |     Ivan Sascha Sheehan     |     Jul 16, 2023

Picture the vibrant suburbs of Paris as they became the epicenter of an electrifying gathering earlier this month—the Free Iran World Summit 2023. The event boasted an extraordinary lineup of over 500 global leaders, luminaries, and influential personalities, including current and former officials, presidents, prime ministers, ministers, and lawmakers from the United States, Europe, and the Middle East. They united in resolute support of Iran’s main opposition movement and its transition plan as an alternative to the incumbent theocracy.

Among the attendees were a constellation of notable figures like 2024 US presidential candidate Mike Pence, former prime ministers Stephen Harper of Canada, Guy Verhofstadt of Belgium, and Liz Truss of the UK, and seasoned former National Security Advisors Ambassador John Bolton and General James Jones. Joining them were several renowned members of the European foreign policy establishment, alongside sitting members of the US Congress Lance Gooden (R-TX) and Raul Ruiz (D-CA).

These prominent figures voiced unyielding support for the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), the largest and most enduring opposition movement in Iran. They rallied behind the NCRI’s Ten-point Plan, a comprehensive roadmap for a future democratic republic, first outlined by the NCRI’s President-elect, Maryam Rajavi.

The timing of the NCRI event couldn’t have been more propitious. Amidst the formidable challenges of nuclear weapons development and terrorist by the regime, a central question emerges: What lies beyond the brittle regime as an alternative? Cunningly, the mullahs have spun a deceptive web, propagating the notion that no viable alternative exists—a ploy to perpetuate its iron grip on power.

However, the Iranian people have unveiled a clear vision and an authentic alternative. Speaking before thousands of impassioned attendees at the Free Iran event on July 1, former US vice presidential candidate Joseph Lieberman declared, “We can never acknowledge that there is no alternative to a totalitarian government, certainly not in Iran. … It is a democratic republic. … And Iran is closer to that today than ever before because the regime is weaker than it’s ever been before.”

This sentiment reverberates through the very core of the nationwide protests in Iran, as impassioned chants thunder: “Death to the tyrant, be it the Shah or the mullahs,” and “Monarchy, mullahs, 100 years of crime!” Iranians stand united in vehement rejection of a despotic return to monarchy-led dictatorship. Yet, the path to a democratic republic demands deft navigation to avoid the pitfalls encountered by nations in the throes of transformative regime change.

A political alternative is not something that can be spontaneously created overnight. Its creation requires patient cultivation and a meticulous struggle over time. A substantive alternative to the current regime embodies certain distinctive characteristics: a robust organizational structure, unwavering domestic and international support, competent leadership, a clear action plan for the future, and an unequivocal rejection of all forms of dictatorship. The NCRI has emerged as a paragon embodying these qualities.

Since 1981, the movement has weathered the storms of a prolonged and arduous struggle against the prevailing religious tyranny. With the help of its main constituent, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), the coalition has defied the suffocating clutches of religious fascism, consolidating its organizational structure, crafting a comprehensive plan, and displaying unwavering resolve—paying the price of resistance day in and day out.

Kazem Gharibadai, deputy for legal affairs to the Judiciary Chief recently revealed that not a single meeting with European countries transpires without Tehran raising the issue of the MEK, which Tehran deeply fears as an existential threat. Such concern was palpable when, on June 10, President Ebrahim Raisi of Iran beseeched his French counterpart, Emmanuel Macron, to halt and prohibit the Free Iran rally.

Eager to appease Tehran, French authorities complied, but the NCRI successfully contested the ban in court, embarrassing both the Islamic theocracy in Tehran and the advocates of appeasement in Paris. The very fact that the rally took place underscored the opposition’s impressive diplomatic and organizational capabilities.

The NCRI comprises a tapestry of opposition groups and individuals. The MEK has demonstrated remarkable prowess in intelligence-gathering and enjoys fervent grassroots support through its well-organized Resistance Units, which according to regime officials, lead nationwide protests. At the Free Iran rally this month, over 10,000 messages poured in from these units, prompting the regime to panic and hastily announce the arrest of Resistance Unit members—an unmistakable testament to their influence.

The NCRI commands significant international backing. The recent summit witnessed powerful endorsements from 3,600 lawmakers representing 40 countries, including majorities from France, the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Norway.

The movement’s Ten-Point Plan for a secular, democratic, and non-nuclear Iran has garnered widespread acclaim both at home and abroad. It stands as a tangible and pragmatic roadmap, capable of dexterously navigating the most pressing strategic concerns on the nation’s path to transformation.

Amidst the crucible of adversity, a glimmer of hope emerges in the form of the main organized Iranian opposition—a beacon of resilience and a viable alternative to the nightmarish status quo in Iran. To forge a more secure world and weaken authoritarian regimes across the globe, Western governments must resolutely heed the resounding support of countless luminaries who now rally behind this compelling alternative.

Dr. Ivan Sascha Sheehan is the executive director of the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Baltimore and an associate professor in the College of Public Affairs. Dr. Sheehan specializes in global terrorism, counterterrorism, U.S. foreign policy, and international conflict management.

https://townhall.com/columnists/ivansaschasheehan/2023/07/16/global-consensus-ncri-stands-as-viable-democratic-alternative-for-iran-n2625763

Newsweek     |     Hamid Yazdan Panah     |     8/1/2023

Over the last year, Iran has witnessed an eruption of resistance against the ruling theocracy. The uprising sparked by the murder of Mahsa Zhina Amini, a Kurdish-Iranian woman, has rocked the regime to its core. The proto-revolution, which is still gestating, could be the first truly feminist revolution the world has seen. It deserves not only our full support, but also protection from those who seek to undermine or usurp its potential.

This includes those who appear fixated on the past, instead of supporting Iran’s bright future. Lisa Daftari provides an example of this in her recent piece for Newsweek entitled Why Jimmy Carter Owes the Iranian People an Apology. Daftari targets former President Jimmy Carter for his policies towards the deposed shah and ends with the claim that many young Iranians have a “nostalgia” for the former monarchy and seek the return of the shah’s son, Reza Pahlavi.

Iranians have been struggling for democratic change since 1905 and have a rich history of organizing nationwide to get it. Daftari’s argument attempts to place the shah’s failures at the feet of Carter, and set the stage for a return to the monarchy as opposed to daring to dream for more.

Let us begin with some facts. The former shah, who Daftari refers to as the “legitimate ruler of Iran,” was a monarch who ruled with an iron fist. His family came to power through a military coup against the Qajar dynasty, and like most classical dictators his regime was rife with corruption, repression and decadence. During his reign he instituted one party rule in Iran, cracked down on free speech, and created the notorious SAVAK secret police force, to target dissidents.

The historical record is clear and uncontroversial, yet many are now attempting to use the heinous crimes of the Islamic Republic to whitewash the monarchy. This doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. Many of the practices that have become synonymous with the Islamic Republic, such as the airing of televised confessions of political opponents began under the SAVAK. The agency itself was largely kept intact by the Islamic Republic and simply rebranded.

Daftari would have you believe that the shah was simply supplanted by Islamists hand-picked by the West, but the shah set the stage for his own downfall. Had he been more tolerant of liberal dissent or provided room for democratic change as many in the West urged, his regime would not have been toppled.

Perhaps the most ironic historical fact that Daftari ignores in her quest for an apology is that the shah already provided one. In November 1978, the shah appeared on national television and provided a feeble apology in an attempt to maintain his rule. In his speech, he acknowledged past mistakes, and stated “I make a commitment to be with you and your revolution against corruption and injustice in Iran.”

This apology was too little and too late for the people of Iran. The masses were against him, and he was deposed in no small part by the masses. The fact that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his Islamist thugs hijacked the aspirations of the nation does not change the shah’s record, or the legitimate democratic aspirations possessed by ordinary Iranians.

What Daftari omits from her piece is the fact that Iranians on the street have made clear in their chants that it is possible to oppose both the past dictatorships and the current Islamic Republic. One of these chants states “Neither Monarchy, nor [Supreme] Leader, [we want] Democracy and Equality.”

The idea that a feminist revolution will culminate in the leadership of the exiled Reza Pahlavi as shah is dubious if not absurd. We should recognize that just like 1978, Iranians are beyond looking for an apology from anyone. They are ready for real freedom, not overthrowing a supreme leader to reinstitute a shah. Our goal should be to ensure that they succeed.

https://www.newsweek.com/if-iranians-are-nostalgic-it-isnt-shahs-brutality-opinion-1816492?amp=1

Townhall     |     Homeira Hesami     |     Jun 10, 2023

Iran has been rocked by anti-government protests for years but the uprising that began in September 2022 is fundamentally different. With citizens taking to the streets, they are now demanding not only specific political and economic changes, but rather a complete overhaul of the ruling regime itself.  These protests have been met with violent crackdowns by authorities, which has resulted in hundreds of deaths and thousands of arrests. The executions of detainees have come in waves, with at least 130 beautiful young lives taken in since April 21 alone, including three young protesters on May 18.

The protests in Iran have been driven by a variety of factors, including economic hardship, political repression, and widespread corruption. The Iranian people have been struggling with high unemployment rates, inflation, systemic corruption as well as social and political freedoms. People are fed up with the regime’s authoritarian policies, which limit basic freedoms and restrict access to information. Finally, corruption is rampant in Iran, with many officials engaged in not-so-subtle embezzlement of public funds and other financial crimes.

In response, Iranians have taken to the streets in large numbers, in waves of consecutive nationwide protests that first erupted in December 2017 and have continued every year since then, with the exception of a brief lull as a result of the global pandemic.

During the recent uprising, security forces used tear gas, water cannons, and live ammunition to disperse crowds. Over 750 protesters were killed and 30,000 arrested and imprisoned. More recently, regime affiliates have intentionally attacked schoolgirls with poison gas, terrorizing thousands.

On January 13, 2022, a United Nations report urged, “the international community to call for accountability with respect to long-standing emblematic events that have been met with persistent impunity, including the enforced disappearances and summary and arbitrary executions of 1988 and the November 2019 protests.”

“The most serious human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the past four decades” have been committed since the death in police custody of Jina Mahsa Amini on 16 September 2022, Javaid Rehman, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran said.

The Iranian government has also taken steps to limit access to information and restrict or totally shut down access to the internet. During the most recent wave of protests, the government shut down access to social media platforms, including Telegram, WhatsApp, and Instagram, in an effort to prevent protesters from organizing and communicating.

Given the severity of the situation in Iran, it is crucial for the international community to support the protesters and demand change. This can be done in several ways.

First and foremost, the international community should not just condemn the Iranian government’s use of violence and repression against protesters but also move to hold the regime fully and practically accountable. Apart from public statements, the free world must act through the United Nations and other international organizations to investigate ongoing crimes against humanity in Iran.

The Iranian people do not need material support from the West but deserve to know that they are not alone in their struggle for human rights, democracy and the establishment of a democratic, secular republic, and that the world is watching and supporting their efforts. So, in lockstep with U.S. Congressional sentiment, the international community should also provide moral and political support to Iranian people by recognizing their legitimate democratic demands and aspirations. These sentiments are duly expressed in House Resolution 100 and in this month’s joint hearing of the Iran Women Congressional Caucus and Iran Human Rights and Democracy Caucus.  It is in this context that political and moral support for the people can play a critical role in promoting positive change.

The people’s goal is clearly expressed in the ten-point plan for Iran’s future promoted by the opposition leader Maryam Rajavi and the coalition of pro-democracy opposition groups known as the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI).  At a Congressional Iranian Women Caucus recently, Congresswomen Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX) and Nancy Mace (R-SC) led a hearing which examined the details of that democratic plan as well as ways the U.S. can support the Iranian people.

It is said that in absolute dictatorships, legitimacy of any opposition can best be measured by their organization, perseverance and sacrifice. Despite the apparent void, the Iranian people do have such a treasure. The continuation of protests, despite the brutality, are predictors of an infrastructure sustaining the waves of protests in Iran.  It is also telling that women are spearheading the protests and hence have been brutally targeted.

The protests in Iran represent a critical moment and a historic opportunity. The Iranian people are demanding change, and the international community has a responsibility to support their efforts. The free world must move to hold the mullahs truly accountable for violence and repression.  We must dispense with that long held mirage that the ayatollahs’ behavior can be modified through concessions. Instead, we must move to support the Iranian people, who are already backed by an indigenous and experienced organized resistance movement eager to establish a democratic, non-nuclear and secular republic.

Homeira Hesami is a former political prisoner in Iran and the chairwoman of the Iranian-American Community of North Texas, a member of the Organization of Iranian American Communities. She is a medical physicist who lives in Texas.

https://townhall.com/columnists/homeira-hesami/2023/06/10/time-for-western-democracies-to-stand-with-iranian-people-n2624320